Russia is in a transitional phase shifting from one type of society and culture to another, one based on the principles of a free market economy. On 12 December 1993 Russians voted to adopt a new constitution, one which declared human rights as the basic principle of Russian society. Legislation on elections was also developed. The Russian experience is interesting for all newly independent states of the former Soviet Union, since the main trends are similar in most of the former Soviet republics.

The revolutionary changes in Russian society that began in 1985 have had a significant impact on the lives of all citizens. In general, Russians have greater freedom of expression and are growing psychologically accustomed to a market economy. However, there have also been a number of negative consequences of the transition, many of which have impacted on women. Because democracy is new in Russia, it has not developed a political culture based on the principles of civil society. As a result, women continue to be repressed, both in the labour force and in politics. The majority of unemployed are women. The mass media still support the notion that women's role in society is limited to that of wife and mother. In short, democracy in Russia still has a masculine face.

Women are demanding access and influence. They want their expertise to be utilized, and their ideas, recommendations and concerns to be heard. They want to be in decision-making positions and involved in policy-making rather than simply briefed about decisions after the fact. In particular, the political movement or bloc called "Women of Russia", which broke the political ceiling in 1993,

Because democracy is new in Russia, it has not developed a political culture based on the principles of civil society. As a result, women continue to be repressed; the majority of unemployed are women; and the mass media still support the notion that women's role is limited to that of wife and mother. In short, democracy in Russia still has a masculine face.

has made women visible on the political stage, and has drawn the attention of many parties to women as a significant electorate. There is a sense of great opportunity, possibility and hope. It is hoped that the participation of "Women of Russia" in the parliament will bring a new element into the political culture in general: namely, the gendered interpretation of politics.

Women parliamentarians are redefining "national security" to go beyond armies and arsenals to the quality of life of the people ­ their health, education, safety, and welfare. They are demonstrating the importance of issues relating to children and families by working to enhance people's access to health care, education and training; introducing family-friendly workplace policies; and encouraging the broadening of a safety net of social services. Women's interests are being transformed into policies representing the concerns of a special socio-economic group. In turn, it is hoped that these concerns will be reflected in legislation. Women are increasing accessibility, transparency and accountability and thereby strengthening all levels of government while working in partnership with citizens.

Women and the Legislative Process

The Federal Assembly, the legislature of the Russian Government, is bicameral: the Federation Council (the upper house) and the State Duma (the popular assembly).¹ The abolition of the quota, which required that women constitute 33 per cent of the Soviet Union's Congress of People's Deputies, led to an unprecedented decline in women's representation in the Russian legislature in 1990. Male members accounted for 95 per cent of the seats in the Congress, and women constituted only five per cent of the seats, this in a country where women comprise more than half the population.

The next relatively free multi-party election in 1993 witnessed women's comeback in legislative representation, as women organized themselves to increase their numbers. As a result, that year women constituted 13.5 per cent of the members of the State Duma (i.e., 60 women MPs), and five per cent of the representatives in the Federation Council. While this representation was still low, it was nevertheless significantly higher than it had been in 1990. Indeed, women's representation had almost doubled over the previous election.

The 1995 elections resulted in a decline in women's representation to 9.8 per cent or 44 deputies in the State Duma. This was largely due to the failure of the political bloc "Women of Russia" to overcome the five per cent threshold of the party-list vote. Nevertheless, through its campaign, "Women of Russia" substantially helped to legitimize a place for women in the new nation's politics.

Women parliamentarians are redefining "national security" to go beyond armies and arsenals to the quality of life of the people ­ their health, education, safety, and welfare.

As a result of this bloc, other parties were forced to nominate women higher on their lists, and to include women for single-member seats in 1993 and 1995. Further, despite the fact that the proportion of women in the State Duma decreased in the last election, they still constituted almost twice the percentage of deputies as they did in 1990.

In the 1995 parliamentary elections, only four political parties crossed the five per cent threshold making them eligible to be allocated seats from the proportional representation lists. There were 276 public organizations that could have participated in the election race, but only 43 of them managed to pass through the first stage of the electoral system. The four party winners were elected by only 50.5 per cent of the popular vote and received double the number of seats than would have been distributed had it been a strictly proportional member party-list system.

 

Table 4. Representation in the 1995 State Duma*
BLOC	TOTAL	MEN	WOMEN	WOMEN %
Communist party	157	141	17	10.82
Our Home in Russia	55	51	4	7.27
Liberal Democratic	51	50	1	1.96
Yabloko	45	39	6	13.33
Independents	77	67	10	12.98
Others	65	58	7	10.80
Total	450	406	44	9.77
There are now only 28 women elected from party-lists and nominated by bloc or parties for single-member districts in the State Duma. This number constitutes 6.2 per cent of all the seats in the State Duma (450 seats). In other words, the fact that there is a majority of women MPs in the Russian Parliament is due to the party-lists. Thirty-one women were elected from the single mandate district (the total number of seats is 225) or 13.78 per cent of all deputies from this kind of district. The largest absolute number of women, 17 members, is from the Communist Party (that is 10.82 per cent of the total number of Communists). The largest percentage of women is 13.3 per cent from the "Yabloko" (which has a total of 45 women). "Women of Russia", one of the 18 parties not gaining party-list seats, was a slim 2.3 per cent lower in votes than "Yabloko", which had obtained 31 party-list seats. * Rossiyskay Gazeta, 6 January 1996. Central Electoral Commission Report, N5-N7, 1995 © INTERNATIONAL IDEA

Women's Influence on the Legislative Process

Russian women are still facing barriers in promoting women's equal participation within the State Duma. There are three centres of power that impact on the legislative process: the factions and the deputy's group; the committees; and the Council of the State Duma (and the plenary session). The principle decisions are made at the level of a faction. There are five factions and one deputy's group, but there is not a single woman MP among their leaders.

The committee level is also very important because this is where the details of legislation are drawn up. There are 27 committees in the State Duma, but only two of them are headed by women: the Committee on Women, Family, and Youth Affairs and the Committee on Ecological Protection. These committees, in line with similar situations elsewhere, are not supposed to be prestigious and powerful. In other words, they do not provide access to influence on politics, the economy or the budget.

Compromise is arranged in the State Duma Council, which includes the faction and group leadership, the committee chairpersons, and the Speaker and Vice-Speakers of the House. The State Duma Council consists of 40 deputies, but only three are women (7.5 per cent). Thus, there is no true partnership between women and men in decision-making within the Russian State Duma.

The traditional managerial structure, oriented mainly towards men, does not reflect the balance of public forces; the new roles adopted by men and women; and women's abilities to impact on society, government and family. In other words, it does not ensure the proper social basis for the development and democratization of society. As MP N. Krivelskaya said: "It is necessary to increase the number of women in the State Duma in order to make the atmosphere in our parliament healthier, to create a civilized dialogue, and to look for a path to resolve problems. We need to increase the number of women not only in the Russian Parliament, but also at all levels and in all sectors of government. This step will help men to learn how to notice the presence of women, to listen to them and to take women's voice into consideration, for the purpose of breaking down the currently largely decorative women's representation in the parliament."

Women's Issues and Women MPs

Despite the fact that the social problems traditionally supposed to be women's issues are proclaimed as the priority of the State Duma, in reality they are being marginalized within the parliamentary agenda. At the same time these social issues are seen very narrowly as some welfare bonus which can not ensure equality for women. Equality of treatment in social security and in the field of economic opportunity must be based on an accurate assessment of the respective needs of various categories of men and women, and an evaluation of the responses provided by the State. Until the establishment of equality in employment and income, equality of social rights will only accentuate the actual inequality between men and women.

During the first session of the current Duma, 13 bills initiated by the Committee on Women, Family and Youth Affairs were adopted, and five more are now in the midst of the legislative process. These initiatives, however, are not capable of becoming a guarantor of change in society. The problems of violence against women for example, have not yet received due attention and resolution, despite the fact that violence against women occurs in all spheres of life, including the family and workplace.

Until the establishment of equality in employment and income, equality of social rights will only accentuate the actual inequality between men and women.

However, the adoption of "the conception of legislature activity to ensure equal rights and equal opportunities for women" by the State Duma on 19 November 1997, should be considered as a significant gain of the Committee on Women, Family and Youth Affairs. This has happened due to the broad support of a wide spectrum of women's groups and organizations as well as to the lobbying from within the parliament. With the aim of implementing the concept, the issues related to the status of women in the Russian Federation, should become part of draft legislative norms. This measure as well as the presidential decrees concerning the improvement of the status of women in the Russian Federation (RF) are examples of the co-operation between women MPs and the women's movement in the advocacy of women's issues.

Women MPs and the Women's Movement

The majority of women deputies recognize the importance of co-operating with the women's movement and of networking with women's organizations. Evidence of this can be seen in the following:

• The Council of Experts of the Committee on Women, Family and Youth Affairs was established. This Council includes representation of many women's non-governmental groups and organizations, and its objective is the implementation of the gender dimension in legislation prepared by the State Duma. It has consultative functions and its members work on a volunteer basis. During 1996 the relationships between the State Duma and women's organizations and groups were actively developed: five hearings were held on women's issues that year. As a result the Council of Experts approved "the conception of legislature activity to ensure equal rights and equal opportunities for women". The conception is based on the assumption that women's rights are an inalienable part of basic human rights. Women's involvement in the political, economic, social and cultural life at the federal, regional and international levels should become a major goal of state policy towards improving the status of women in the Russian Federation.

• Many women MPs are the leaders or representatives of the regional affiliations of the Russian Women's Union, created by the Communist Party of the Russian

• Federation just after the 1995 State Duma election.² MP E. Lakhova, a co-leader of the Russian women's political bloc, "Women of Russia", and a former leader of the Women's faction in the previous State Duma, created a new bloc "Women's Movement of Russia" and initiated a women's coalition, the participants of which signed "the Charter of Women's Solidarity".³

• The Communist Faction ­ one of the leading forces in the Russian Parliament undertook efforts to create the women deputy's group, including more than 30 women MPs from different factions.

  However, some women MPs are still keeping their distance from the women's movement. Thus, there are at least three initiatives within the Russian parliament for creating workable relations and links with women's groups outside the legislative body. Women MPs are divided along political, party and ideological lines. As a result, the absence of mutual efforts and co-ordination of activities among women's organizations and women MPs inside as well as outside parliament weakens the position of women in the parliament.

Affirmative action measures should be taken to assure representation that reflects the full diversity of Russians, with the target of a "gender balanced" legislative body. In compliance with the legislation of the Russian Federation, women and men have equal access to government service and to participation in international activities. As stated in the Constitution of the RF, men and women enjoy equal rights and freedoms and equal opportunities for their implementation. However, women are grossly under-represented in the upper echelons of state leadership. These constitutional rights are more declarative than actual, due to the underdevelopment and inefficiency of the implementation measures.

Conclusion

Women MPs were asked what they themselves think about the means and ways to increase their representation and their influence within the Russian Parliament. Many of them said that it is necessary to assist women with campaign funding and other resources.

Russia needs a new, professional and highly qualified parliament, in which women are recognized as equals and are allowed to express their needs for themselves, in order to build democracy in the country.

Quotas and leadership training were also seen as key points in promoting women to the elected body. In addition, many stressed the importance of financially supporting organizations working to increase the number of political candidates who specifically support policies that advance the status of women and girls. Experience, professionalism, a strong character and an active position are among the key factors affecting women MP's influence on the legislative process within the parliament.

The criticism of the present electoral system began before approving the election law in 1995 and remains ongoing concerning some basic issues. Among the main issues there is the problem of the five per cent threshold. Only four of the 43 electoral associations/blocs on the ballot could overcome the five per cent level, and now are in the Russian Parliament. Their real representation of the society is very limited in the sense of votes, because the number of votes won by these four groups was comparable with the number of those obtained by the other groups taken together. The five per cent threshold, intended to inhibit the proliferation of parties, has not worked in Russia. Rather, it has brought about a gross disproportion in the 1995 Duma. A remedy may well include the complete removal of the threshold, as in Iceland, or a smaller minimum percentage, such as the three per cent in Sweden.

Parties are making a mistake by not taking into account the electorate of women and not taking women's issues into consideration. Unfortunately, the issue of under-representation of women in the parliament is not properly covered by mass media, thus reflecting, and advancing, the lack of public awareness about women's role and issues. Indeed, most Russian women accept their subordinate role. The level of gender consciousness remains relatively low. Nevertheless, there are signs of the beginning of change with many women's grassroots groups being formed throughout the country to work for women's rights.

It should be pointed out that the greater the presidential authority over legislative matters, the greater the conflict with parliament and the more the instability of the political system. It is indeed true that the Russian electoral system is still far from perfect or ideal. More could be done to reform this system. It nevertheless works and it is being developed along democratic principles and in a progressive direction. The development of the electoral system in Russia on a democratic basis in terms of involving women into elected bodies will depend on the following factors:

1. The ability of the democratic forces to mobilize people to develop civil society in general;

2. The level of activity and participation
   of women themselves in the political process; and

3. The level of consolidation of the women's movement and its ability to suggest proper strategy and tactics to promote women in decision-making roles and to get women's issues on the national political agenda.

Russia needs a new, professional and highly qualified parliament, in which women are recognized as equals and are allowed to express their needs for themselves, in order to build democracy in the country.