Political Obstacles
Men dominate the political arena; men formulate the rules of the
political game; and men define the standards for evaluation.
The existence of this male-dominated model results in either women rejecting politics altogether or rejecting male-style politics.
As we approach the end of the 20th century, over 95 per cent of all countries in the world have granted women the two most fundamental democratic rights: the right to vote and the right to stand for elections. New Zealand was the first country to give women the right to vote in 1893; and Finland was the first to adopt both fundamental democratic rights in 1906. There are still a few countries that deny women both the right to vote and the right to stand for elections (Kuwait, United Arab Emirates).1
In theory, the right to stand for elections, to become a candidate, and to get elected, is based on the right to vote. The reality is, however, that women's right to vote remains restricted: principally because the only candidates to vote for are male.
This is true not only for partial and developing democracies, but for established democracies as well. The low level of women's representation in some European parliaments 2 should be considered a violation of women's fundamental democratic right and, as such, of their basic human rights. This unequal rate of representation in legislative bodies signifies that women's representation, rather than being a function of democratization, is more a function of preserving the status quo.
In most countries de jure difficulties exist, either by virtue of laws being enacted and not followed or not even existing in the first place. The Argentinean law on quotas, for example, requires all parties to nominate 30 per cent women in electable positions onto their list of candidates. Without such a law, the numbers of women MPs is not likely to increase as a result of their parties' defeat: a case in point are the elections in Ireland in 1997.
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Research indicates that political structures rather than social factors play a more significant role in women's parliamentary recruitment.
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Research indicates that political structures rather than social factors play a more significant role in women's parliamentary recruitment. The system of elections based on proportional representation for example, has resulted in three to four times more women being elected in countries with similar political cultures, e.g., Germany and Australia.
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TABLE 1. Women in National Parliaments
Situation as of 1 January 1998. Statistics established by the Inter-Parliamentary Union
(IPU) on the basis of data provided by national parliaments.
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WORLD AVERAGE
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| Both Houses Combined | 11.4 % |
| Total MPs | 40,822 |
| Gender breakdown for | 35,141 |
| Men | 31,137 |
| Women | 4,004 |
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| Single or Lower House | 11.7 % |
| Total MPs | 34,484 |
| Gender breakdown for | 29,212 |
| Men | 25,788 |
| Women | 3,424 |
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| Upper House or Senate | 9.8 % |
| Total MPs | 6,338 |
| Gender breakdown for | 5,929 |
| Men | 5,349 |
| Women | 5,80 |
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REGIONAL AVERAGES
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Regions * | Single or Lower House | Upper House or Senate | Both Houses combined |
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Nordic countries | 35.9 % | | 35.9 % |
Europe OSCE Nordic countries included | 14.3 % | 9.0 % | 13.2 % |
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Americas | 13.5 % | 12.0 % | 13.2 % |
Europe OSCE Nordic countries not included | 12.3 % | 9.0 % | 11.5 % |
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Sub-Saharan Africa | 11.1 % | 14.0 % | 11.3 % |
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Pacific | 10.8 % | 21.8 % | 12.7 % |
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Asia | 9.7 % | 9.9 % | 9.7 % |
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Arab States | 3.7 % | 1.1 % | 3.4 %
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* Regions are classified by descending order of the percentage of women in the lower or single House
Source: IPU
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Generalizations such as this remain valid so long as there are cultural similarities, i.e., the same level of social and economic development between countries. In Russia, for instance, this generalization is inapplicable because of the lack of a political culture: specifically, the huge numbers of parties and blocks, their underdeveloped structure, the lack of confidence many women face, and political parties' ignorance of women's interests. A voter's political literacy i.e., the capacity to make coherent choices and decisions when voting which is clearly not dependent only upon the level of formal education plays a significant role, as does the political will to improve the situation.
Among the political obstacles that women face, the following feature prominently:
- The prevalence of the "masculine model" of political
life and of elected governmental bodies;
- The lack of party support, such as limited financial
support for women candidates; limited access to political networks; and the prevalence of double standards;
- The lack of contact and co-operation with other
public organizations such as trade (labour) unions
and women's groups;
- The absence of well-developed education and
training systems for women's leadership in general,
and for orienting young women toward political life
in particular;
- The nature of the electoral system, which may or may
not be favourable to women candidates.
Masculine Model of Politics
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Political life is organized according to male norms and values, and in some cases, even male lifestyles.
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Men dominate the political arena; men formulate the rules of the political game; and men define the standards for evaluation. Furthermore, political life is organized according to male norms and values, and in some cases, even male lifestyles. For example, the political model is based on the idea of "winners and losers", competition and confrontation, rather than on mutual respect, collaboration and consensus building. 3 This environment is alien to women, both to their natures and to their experiences. The existence of this male-dominated model results in either women rejecting politics altogether or rejecting male-style politics. Thus, when women do participate in politics, they tend to do so in small numbers.
"The most interesting aspect of the Swedish Parliament is not
that we have 45 per cent representation of women, but that a majority of women and men bring relevant social experience to the business of parliament. This is what makes the difference. Men bring with them experience of real life issues, of raising children, of running a home. They have broad perspectives and greater understanding. And women are allowed to be what we are, and to act according to our own unique personality. Neither men nor women have to conform to a traditional role. Women do not have to behave like men to have power; men do not have to behave like women to be allowed to care for their children. When this pattern becomes the norm then we will see real change."
Birgitta Dahl, Speaker of Parliament, Sweden
Differences between men and women also appear with respect to the content and priorities of decision-making, which are determined by the interests, backgrounds and working patterns of both sexes. Women tend to give priority to societal concerns, such as social security, national health care and children's issues.
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Women are overstretched and overworked. In addition to their party and constituency work they serve on committees, network within and outside their parties and play the role of mother, wife, sister and grandmother.
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The male-dominated working pattern is further reflected in the parliamentary work schedule, which is often characterized by lack of supportive structures for working mothers in general, and for women MPs in particular. Women are overstretched and overworked since in addition to their party and constituency work, they have to serve on various committees, network with women within their parties, at multi-party levels and with women outside parliament. Furthermore, they have to play the role of mother, wife, sister and grandmother. Presently, the parliamentary programme and sitting times are not adjusted to take into consideration this dual burden that women carry. Many women MPs struggle to balance family life with the demands of work that often involve late hours, travel and few facilities.
Lack of Party Support
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Less than 11 per cent of party leaders world-wide are women.
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Women play important roles in campaigning and mobilizing support for their parties, yet they rarely occupy decision-making positions in these structures. In fact, less than 11 per cent of party leaders world-wide are women.
Although political parties possess resources for conducting election campaigns, women do not benefit from these resources. For example, parties do not provide sufficient financial support for women candidates. Research indicates that the number of women nominees correlates very highly with the number of elected women MPs: more candidates equals more MPs.
The selection and nomination process within political parties is also biased against women in that "male characteristics" are emphasized and often become the criteria in selecting candidates. An "old boys club" atmosphere and prejudices inhibit and prohibit politically inclined women from integrating themselves into their party's work. This results in an underestimation of women as politicians by those who provide money for election campaigns, thus further hindering women from being nominated. In fact, women are often put on a party list in order that they not be elected if their party wins insufficient votes in an election. This method is used as a hook for voters. Women's participation is better realized when there are quotas for women's participation. In Sweden for instance, the ratio of 4060 per cent has had the effect of women occupying 40.4 per cent of the seats in the current parliament.
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TABLE 2. Women Presidents or Speakers
of Parliament
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| 1945–1998 |
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In 52 years of world parliamentary history, only
41 of the 186 states with a legislative institution,
at one time or another of their history, have selected
a woman to preside over Parliament or a House of Parliament: this has occurred 77 times in all.
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Those concerned are 17 European countries, 19
countries of the Americas including nine Latin American countries, three African countries,
one Asian country and one country of the Pacific.
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24 of the 41 states concerned had a bicameral
parliament and the presidency was entrusted to a woman a little more often in the Senate than in
the lower House.
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Austria is the only State to have elected a
woman to the presidency of the Bundesrat before
the Second World War.
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| 1 January 1998 |
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Of the 177 existing Parliaments, 63 are bicameral.
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Only 18 women preside over one of the 240 existing Houses.
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7.5 % women are Presidents or Speakers of Parliament.
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The countries concerned are:
Antigua and Barbuda (House of Representatives and Senate); Australia (Senate); Bahamas (House of Assembly);
Croatia (House of Zupanije); Ethiopia (Federal
Council); Finland (EduskuntaRiksdagen); Germany (Bundestag); Guatemala (Congreso de la República); Jamaica (House of Representatives and Senate);
Malta (House of Representatives); Norway (Stortinget); Poland (Senat); South Africa (National Assembly); Suriname (National Assembly); Sweden (Riksdagen); United Kingdom (House of Commons).
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"It is very difficult for a woman to make up her mind to enter politics. Once she makes up her own mind, then she has to prepare her husband, and her children, and her family. Once she has overcome all these obstacles and applies for the ticket, then the male aspirants against whom she is applying make up all sorts of stories about her. And after all this, when her name goes to the party bosses, they do not select her name because they fear losing that seat."
Sushma Swaraj, MP India
Co-operation with Women's Organizations
During the last decade women's parliamentary representation in long-standing democracies has increased. One of the critical reasons for this rise is the impact of women's organizations both inside and outside political parties. Women's organizations were well aware of the effect of single-member plurality elections on women's candidacy. They worked with political and govern-ment institutions to secure electoral changes to facilitate women's nomination and election. This strategy resulted in increasing women's representation within legislative bodies.
"As women parliamentarians, we need to share our experiences.
This in itself will inspire women. We will not feel that we are alone in this game, and other women will not feel isolated from the process. At every opportunity, at every forum, each and every time we must share information, ideas, knowledge. We must make sure that women are the most informed people within society."
Margaret Dongo, MP Zimbabwe
However, in recently developed or partially developed democracies there is limited contact and co-operation between women politicians and women's organizations or other broad interest organizations such as trade and labour unions. Moreover, women's movements and women's groups in these parts of the world either tend to keep their distance from women MPs, or do not invest in organized channels of communication and lobbying on issues related to promoting women to decision-making levels. This is the case either as a result of the lack of awareness of the potential benefits of this networking function, or the lack of resources to invest in such contacts .5
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In order to empower
and enable women to participate in politics,
it is necessary to extend the scope of women's involvement at the grass-roots level.
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Although governments might declare their commitment to democratic forms of change, it is nevertheless unrealistic to expect governments alone to secure women's rightful place in all spheres of society. Civil society in general, including non-governmental organizations and women's groups, must play a role in advancing women's representation. To achieve gender balance in political life, it is necessary to ensure that commitment to equality is reflected in laws and national policies. Affirmative action is a necessary tool to maintain at least 30 per cent of women at all levels of decision-making.
Women also must think carefully about their own goals, strategies and tactics. It is important to assist women already in parliament to be able to deliver on their promises and to equip them with the necessary skills and strategies to ensure that women's issues are taken into account in the debate and discourse that takes place in parliament. In order to empower and enable women to participate in politics, it is necessary to extend the scope of women's involvement at the grass-roots level of women's movements and among local elected bodies. This also constitutes an important step towards confidence-building and facilitates the sharing of experiences.
Education and Training
"It’s very difficult for women to talk, to argue, to press for their concerns. How can we encourage women to talk and to express themselves? Maybe the woman in the hut has a lot to say, but we have to encourage her to talk – not about politics, but about her problems, her life, issues that concern her. The answer is education. Education has led many women in my society to join political parties or participate in political activities. Education is the most important channel for encouraging women to speak out."
Rawya Shawa, MP Palestine
Expanding the pool of women who are qualified for recruitment in political careers is also needed. This can be done by giving women access, from an early stage, to work patterns that are conducive to political leadership, such as special training in community-based or neighbourhood organizations. Common understanding of the concerns of women, gendered political awareness-raising, lobbying skills, and networking are important for the process of training women for political careers. To that end, women's leadership schools play a special role, since they are the places where links can be made between the wider groups of women and women politicians; and they are very often the only place where women can be prepared and encouraged for a political career in parliament. Special attention should be given also to the involvement of young women in political participation.
Electoral Systems
The type of electoral system a country has plays an important part in women's political representation, especially in the developed world. Most argue that proportional representation systems are better suited than majoritarian systems in increasing women's representation. This issue is discussed in detail in Chapter 3 of this handbook.